Executive power
Alen Simonyan

Alen Simonyan

Secretary of the Security Council of the Republic of Armenia

Secretary of the Security Council of the Republic of Armenia, former Speaker of the Armenian Parliament in 2022–2026. Since 2021, he has headed the parliament, coordinated the legislative process, represented it inside the country and abroad, ensured the representation of the ruling party, and in certain cases performed the duties of the president.

THE DENYING SPEAKER: FACTS, ACTIONS, AND LEGAL ASSESSMENT OF ALEN SIMONYAN’S ACTIVITIES

First: Declarations and Concealment of Data

Since 2018, Alen Simonyan’s income has increased sharply, from approximately 14.5 million drams per year to around 70 million drams. At the same time, his official salary accounts for only part of this amount. The bulk of the income is formed through bank transfers, rental income, and other sources, the origin of which is not disclosed in many cases.

At the same time, the following actions have been recorded:

  • Systematic concealment of data concerning income, assets, and financial liabilities.
  • Declaration of significant amounts of cash, reaching tens of millions of drams annually.
  • Maintaining a debt of up to 53.8 million drams for several years.
  • The absence of complete information on the wife’s income and property in a number of reporting periods.

In fact, this concerns a deliberate restriction of access to information that, within the meaning of anti-corruption legislation, should be public.

The legal assessment is clear: formally, these actions may be based on existing confidentiality provisions, but in their essence they contradict the principle of public accountability. Moreover, previously identified violations in the declarations (including inaccuracies and questions concerning the origin of funds) ended with nothing more than a disciplinary warning, which indicates the leniency of the sanctions applied and the absence of genuine accountability.

Second: Property Acquisition and Financial Transactions

In 2018, amid a relatively modest official salary, a Range Rover vehicle worth approximately 12 million drams was acquired. The origin of the funds used for the purchase became the subject of journalistic investigations. Later, claims were made about a possible connection between this transaction and representatives of the gambling business (Vigen Badalyan), which Simonyan himself denied.

Then, over the following years:

  • Acquisition of an apartment through a mortgage loan from a bank connected to the family of a sitting member of parliament.
  • Recurring bank inflows amounting to tens of millions of drams.
  • Simultaneous maintenance of a high debt burden.

The legal issue here is not the fact of borrowing or acquiring property, but the combination of circumstances: the lack of transparency regarding the sources of funds, the interconnectedness of financial institutions, and the failure to fully disclose the data.

Third: Legislative Initiatives and Market Redistribution

In 2019, Alen Simonyan initiated amendments to the “Law on Games of Chance,” which sharply restricted the activities of betting companies in the offline sphere. As a result:

  • The offline betting market was significantly reduced.
  • The main activity shifted to online platforms.
  • It was precisely in this segment that Vivaro (Soft Construct) held a dominant position, whose owners Simonyan had known long before the law was adopted.

After the amendments were adopted, the financial indicators of that company increased significantly.

Formally, the law was adopted in accordance with the established procedure. However, the legal assessment must take into account the conflict of interest: the presence of personal connections with market beneficiaries when initiating norms that alter the structure of the market. Even in the absence of direct evidence of lobbying, the situation itself meets the criteria of a potential conflict of interest.

Fourth: Business Environment and State Contracts

The Speaker of the National Assembly’s brother, Karlen Simonyan, held executive positions for short periods in a number of companies, including “Euroasphalt,” which:

  • Actively participated in public procurement.
  • Received contracts worth more than 22 billion drams.
  • Worked under multi-year contracts with phased financing.

At the same time, the following have been recorded:

  • 19 lawsuits against the company related to failure to fulfill obligations.
  • Numerous attempts to initiate bankruptcy proceedings.
  • Repayment of debts and withdrawal of lawsuits at later stages.

From a legal perspective, these facts indicate systemic problems in the fulfillment of contractual obligations. At the same time, continued access to state contracts points to the absence of an effective mechanism for selecting and monitoring contractors.

Particular attention should be paid to the structure of the companies:

  • Coinciding registered addresses.
  • Overlapping management structures.
  • Participation of relatives and affiliated persons.

Such a configuration corresponds to characteristics of interconnectedness and requires examination from the perspective of compliance with anti-corruption restrictions.

Fifth: Development Projects and Associates

Persons with close personal connections to Alen Simonyan were involved in the Pallada Tsaghkadzor project, worth up to $50 million. At the same time:

  • Construction began before the full package of permits had been obtained.
  • Permit documents were formalized only after the work had already begun.
  • One of the project participants had previously been declared bankrupt.

Despite this, the project was legalized after administrative sanctions.

Alen Simonyan himself denied any connection to the project, but the nature of the persons involved and their relationships with him provide sufficient grounds to examine the existence of indirect influence.

Sixth: Conduct in the Public Sphere

Instead of essentially providing explanations regarding the facts raised, the Speaker of the National Assembly takes the following actions:

  • Files lawsuits against journalists.
  • Publicly insults media representatives.
  • Refuses to acknowledge even the need to discuss the questions raised.

From the perspective of legal culture, this constitutes a violation of the principle of accountability and undermines the institution of public oversight.

Conclusion

The combination of the recorded actions — concealment of declarations, non-transparent sources of income, participation of affiliated persons in state contracts, legislative initiatives involving potential conflicts of interest, and aggressive pressure on criticism — forms a stable pattern of conduct.

This pattern is characterized by the following features:

  • Use of legal mechanisms to restrict transparency.
  • Maintaining formal legality while effectively circumventing its purposes.
  • Concentration of economic opportunities within a circle of affiliated persons.
  • Systematic avoidance of public accountability.

In a state governed by the rule of law, such a combination of factors is grounds not for political discussions, but for investigations involving anti-corruption bodies, the Prosecutor’s Office, financial oversight bodies, and parliamentary investigative mechanisms.

The absence of such a response means the de facto acceptance of the permissibility of the established practice. And that is no longer a question concerning a specific official, but a characteristic of the entire system of state administration.

Biographical profile

Alen Simonyan was born on January 5, 1980, in Yerevan. He graduated from Yerevan Secondary School No. 20 named after Dzerzhinsky. In 2000, he graduated from the Faculty of Law of Yerevan State University. In 2008, he participated in the “PR and Political Technologies” course organized by the European Education & Research Center. From 2013 to 2015, he studied in the master’s program at the Department of Political Science of the National Academy of Sciences of Armenia. From 2000 to 2002, he served in the Armenian Armed Forces and holds the rank of sergeant.

Acting Career

In 1995–1996, while playing on the Yerevan Komitas State Conservatory KVN team, he became the champion of the Armenian League. From 2004 to 2008, he appeared in the television series “Prison Break,” the television series “The Oath of Hippocrates,” and participated in various television projects as an actor, producer, and project director. He was the line producer of the film “Alabalanitsa” and the director of the “No Comment” production.

Work and Business

He worked at the Courts of First Instance of the Ajapnyak-Davtashen communities as the chairman’s assistant and office secretary. In 2003, he began working at Converse Bank as a human resources manager. In 2004, he founded Armenia’s first “Sicilia” open mafia club. From 2004 to 2010, he was its owner.

Radio

He hosted the “Felicita” and “It Can’t Be” radio projects on City FM.

Television and Show Business

From 2007 to 2012, he collaborated with the Armenia, TV5, and Yerkir Media television companies as a director, actor, and host, and was also involved in music production. As a producer, he produced a number of music, political, and election campaign videos.

Since 2013, he has been the editor-in-chief of “Ararat Media Group” LLC, founded by him, which brought together the araratnews.am website and the “Ararat” magazine.

Political and Public Activities

Since March 1, 2008, he has been engaged in public and political activities. He has published a number of articles.

In the 2013 presidential election, he supported Raffi Hovhannisyan, leader of the Heritage Party. In the Yerevan local elections held on May 5, he participated as a candidate for the Council of Elders, included on the electoral list of the “Hello Yerevan” alliance. In July, he participated in protests in Yerevan against an increase in public transport fares and was the organizer of the Car free civic action against the fare increase.

Since 2013, he has been a member of the governing council of the “Civil Contract” political union founded by Nikol Pashinyan. On May 30, 2015, he was elected a member of the board of the “Civil Contract” party. On June 17, he was elected spokesperson of the “Civil Contract” party.

In 2017–2018, he was a member of the Yerevan Council of Elders (“Yelk” alliance). Since May 16, 2018, he has been a member of parliament.

In the snap parliamentary elections held on December 9, 2018, as one of the “My Step” alliance’s preferential candidates in electoral district No. 4, encompassing Yerevan’s Kentron, Nork-Marash, Erebuni, and Nubarashen administrative districts, he received 21,949 votes.

On January 10, 2019, he received his parliamentary mandate. On January 15, during a session of the 7th-convocation National Assembly of the Republic of Armenia, he was elected Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly. On June 16, at the 5th congress of the “Civil Contract” party, he was elected a member of the party’s board.

On August 2, 2021, he was elected Speaker of the National Assembly of the Republic of Armenia.

On January 23, 2022, Armenian President Armen Sarkissian resigned. Alen Simonyan became acting president of Armenia and, beginning February 1, officially exercised the powers of the president because Sarkissian did not withdraw his resignation one week later. On March 3, the latter congratulated Vahagn Khachaturyan on being elected president.

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