Anti-Corruption National Initiative
ANTI-CORRUPTIONNATIONALINITIATIVE

The Scope of Anna Hakobyan’s Influence: From Personal Connections to Personnel Decisions

Anna Hakobyan’s connections with a number of public figures periodically become a subject of discussion. At the same time, in different cases, the same motive is repeated: closeness to the prime minister’s wife is perceived not only as a personal relationship, but also as a factor accompanying career decisions.

Among the most frequently mentioned examples is Prosecutor General Anna Vardapetyan, who previously worked as Pashinyan’s aide. Attention is drawn to her close relationship with Hakobyan, including outside official events. There is no direct evidence of influence, but the recurring nature of such intersections keeps the questions alive.

A similar context emerged around Supreme Court of Cassation Judge Naira Hovsepyan. After her son was killed in the 44-day war, disciplinary proceedings against her were terminated, formally due to her severe psychological condition. This decision was discussed in connection with her and Hakobyan’s close relationship.

A special mention is made of Rima Davtyan, the principal of School No. 189, whose name the mass media link to a possible promotion to a ministerial position. According to this information, her becoming close to Hakobyan took place through the structures of the “My Step” Foundation.

Among the “informal connections,” doctor Gohar Petrosyan is also mentioned, who accompanied Hakobyan during her trip to Africa. In the media, speculations have been voiced regarding her possible involvement in the financing of that trip.

A special place is occupied by journalist Lusine Barseghyan, the former editor-in-chief of “Haykakan Zhamanak,” who for a long time was a member of Hakobyan’s close circle. After 2018, she and her husband, Vahagn Tevosyan, held state and quasi-state positions. According to unofficial assessments, Barseghyan was viewed as a link between the media sphere and the political leadership.

In different fields — from the Prosecutor’s Office and the judicial system to education and the media — the same pattern can be observed: the intersection of personal connections and institutional processes. It is not officially documented, but is consistently reproduced.

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Hetq: The 300,000-Dram “Opel” Leased for 1.99 Million Drams a Year: An Intriguing State Procurement Story Involving the Brother of Civil Contract MP Karen Hambardzumyan

In the picture on the left is Karen Hambardzumyan, a former Prosperous Armenia Party member, now a Civil Contract member, formerly Governor of Syunik Province and currently a Civil Contract MP. In the picture on the right is his brother, Tigran Hambardzumyan. In 2025, the latter purchased a 1998 Opel vehicle for 300,000 drams and leased it to the “Sisian Territorial Pedagogical-Psychological Support Center” SNCO for 1,990,000 drams per year.

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The Tsaghkadzor Sports Complex in the Hands of the Zakaryan Family: Hetq’s Investigation

Hetq’s investigation reconstructs the path by which Tsaghkadzor’s main sports complex passed from the state into the hands of Ishkhan Zakaryan’s family.

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“You for Us, Us for You”: Is the State Budget the Ruling Party’s Pocket?

While ordinary citizens are under a heavy tax burden, and many businesses struggle to survive under conditions of market competition, the government has opened the “doors” of the state budget for the “chosen.” An investigation by Infocom.am reveals one of the darkest corners of Armenia’s political-business system: businesses exempted from customs duties express their “gratitude” to the ruling “Civil Contract” (CP) party and the “My Step” Foundation headed by the Prime Minister’s wife, Anna Hakobyan, in the form of multi-million-dram donations.

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The Overthrow of the Constitutional Order in Armenia: How Pashinyan’s Government Usurped the Judicial and Legislative Branches

The Constitution of the Republic of Armenia places the principle of separation and balancing of the legislative, executive, and judicial branches at the foundation of the exercise of state power. Article 5 of the Constitution formulates the structure of government in precisely these terms, while Article 162 establishes that justice is administered only by courts, and any interference in the administration of justice is prohibited.

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“Just Business?” Narek Nalbandyan’s Interview Raises New Questions

Nalbandyan has tried to present the expansion of his business as the result exclusively of economic calculations—bank financing, investments, acquisition of troubled assets, auctions, and market risk. He has denied the existence of any personal, family, or business ties with Nikol Pashinyan and his family. However, when the conversation reaches the most sensitive questions—the purchase price of HrazdanCement, the course of the auctions, former employees’ unpaid wages, and possible ties with the authorities—the same pattern can be observed in the answers: a specific question is followed by a general formulation, while the essence of the issue is shifted into the realm of documents, procedures, or general economic logic.

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