The Struggle for “Jermuk Group”: Conflict with American Investor Kaytsak Zeitlyan

“I am ready to account for every million I have earned, except the first one.” These words are usually attributed to Henry Ford or John D. Rockefeller. Regardless of who actually authored them, they have long become a symbol of a simple truth: the story of how major businessmen formed their initial capital is often one of the darkest and most controversial chapters of their biographies. The story of the creation of Ashot Arsenyan’s business empire has likewise been accompanied by longstanding disputes, particularly over who played a key role in the formation of what would later become Jermuk Group. Armenian-American investor Kaytsak Zeitlyan claimed that it was his investments that made it possible to modernize the “Jermuk” mineral water factory, but that he was later deprived of the opportunity to participate in the company’s management and lost control over his own business.

​According to Sargis Hatspanyan, Zeitlyan’s former representative in Armenia, the American businessman’s total investment in the development of production amounted to between USD 1.25 million and USD 1.5 million. According to his claim, it was precisely these funds that were used to build new production capacities, including an automated production line for bottling plastic containers and a modern laboratory.

​As Hatspanyan claims, a conflict subsequently arose between the investor and Ashot Arsenyan over the ownership and management of the enterprise. According to him, Arsenyan, using corporate mechanisms and political influence, gradually restricted Zeitlyan’s participation in the company, as a result of which the American investor lost control over his stake, while the company’s shares ended up in the hands of other owners, including Andranik and Janik Oskanyan.

​Similar claims have previously been published in a number of Armenian media outlets. The authors of those publications linked the strengthening of Ashot Arsenyan’s position to the political patronage of Hovik Abrahamyan. According to their version, it was precisely Abrahamyan’s administrative resources that enabled Arsenyan to remove Kaytsak Zeitlyan from participation in the business, after which, in 1999, “Jermuk Group” was established, which later gained a dominant position in Armenia’s mineral water market.

​It was with the establishment of “Jermuk Group” that the history of the business structure that became the foundation of Ashot Arsenyan’s business empire began and later developed into one of the largest mineral water producers in Armenia.

​According to Sargis Hatspanyan’s version, after control over the enterprise was transferred, only part of the invested funds—approximately USD 100,000—was returned to Kaytsak Zeitlyan, while the total amount of investments, in his assessment, exceeded USD 1.25 million. After that, as Hatspanyan claims, the American businessman sold the remaining property, left Armenia, and stated that he intended to come to the country exclusively as a tourist.

Hetq: The 300,000-Dram “Opel” Leased for 1.99 Million Drams a Year: An Intriguing State Procurement Story Involving the Brother of Civil Contract MP Karen Hambardzumyan

In the picture on the left is Karen Hambardzumyan, a former Prosperous Armenia Party member, now a Civil Contract member, formerly Governor of Syunik Province and currently a Civil Contract MP. In the picture on the right is his brother, Tigran Hambardzumyan. In 2025, the latter purchased a 1998 Opel vehicle for 300,000 drams and leased it to the “Sisian Territorial Pedagogical-Psychological Support Center” SNCO for 1,990,000 drams per year.

Read more

The Tsaghkadzor Sports Complex in the Hands of the Zakaryan Family: Hetq’s Investigation

Hetq’s investigation reconstructs the path by which Tsaghkadzor’s main sports complex passed from the state into the hands of Ishkhan Zakaryan’s family.

Read more

“You for Us, Us for You”: Is the State Budget the Ruling Party’s Pocket?

While ordinary citizens are under a heavy tax burden, and many businesses struggle to survive under conditions of market competition, the government has opened the “doors” of the state budget for the “chosen.” An investigation by Infocom.am reveals one of the darkest corners of Armenia’s political-business system: businesses exempted from customs duties express their “gratitude” to the ruling “Civil Contract” (CP) party and the “My Step” Foundation headed by the Prime Minister’s wife, Anna Hakobyan, in the form of multi-million-dram donations.

Read more

The Overthrow of the Constitutional Order in Armenia: How Pashinyan’s Government Usurped the Judicial and Legislative Branches

The Constitution of the Republic of Armenia places the principle of separation and balancing of the legislative, executive, and judicial branches at the foundation of the exercise of state power. Article 5 of the Constitution formulates the structure of government in precisely these terms, while Article 162 establishes that justice is administered only by courts, and any interference in the administration of justice is prohibited.

Read more

“Just Business?” Narek Nalbandyan’s Interview Raises New Questions

Nalbandyan has tried to present the expansion of his business as the result exclusively of economic calculations—bank financing, investments, acquisition of troubled assets, auctions, and market risk. He has denied the existence of any personal, family, or business ties with Nikol Pashinyan and his family. However, when the conversation reaches the most sensitive questions—the purchase price of HrazdanCement, the course of the auctions, former employees’ unpaid wages, and possible ties with the authorities—the same pattern can be observed in the answers: a specific question is followed by a general formulation, while the essence of the issue is shifted into the realm of documents, procedures, or general economic logic.

Read more

Contact information

For inquiries regarding collaboration or information about the organization’s activities, please use the contact details provided.

Contact form